President Museveni’s decision to appoint Karooli Lwanga Ssemogerere as acting High Court Judge is likely to raise some eyebrows and spark debate in Uganda’s political and legal circles.
See, Karooli is the son of Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere, Museveni’s former political opponent who stood against him in the 1996 election. Ssemogerere, who died in 2022, was also behind many legal maneuvers that helped the opposition make major political milestones in the early 2000s.
Given Museveni’s history of working with the children of his former adversaries, some could argue that this is another calculated step to extend his influence.
Karooli graduated from Makerere University’s Law School in 1998 and was among the best in his class. He was briefly retained as a teaching assistant and left in 1999 to pursue a legal career in the United States where he excelled. His works have been published widely in international journals on law, human rights, and governance.
On this basis, some Ugandans are likely to conclude that his appointment, like that of others before him, was based solely on his competence.
Indeed, if Karooli proves to be an independent and impartial judge, it could strengthen the argument that his selection was based on professional qualifications rather than political convenience.
However, Uganda’s political history suggests that judicial appointments are rarely devoid of political considerations.
Museveni has been known to reward loyalty and to strategically place individuals who, even if competent, can serve a political purpose. Justice Steven Kavuma, who rose to become deputy chief justice unashamedly served this purpose.
Museveni has long demonstrated a knack for co-opting potential opposition threats by offering them positions of influence within government structures.
Over the years, the number of people who fall into this category has grown exponentially. Norbert Mao, Aggrey Awori, Beti Olive Kamya, Beatrice Anywar, Alex Onzima, Joyce Ssebugwawo and others.
In other cases, the president coopted close relatives of his political adversaries into government such as Henry Okello Oryem, son of Tito Okello Lutwa who is a minister; Taban Amin, son of former president Idi Amin who works in intelligence and Jimmy Akena, son of Dr Milton Obote whose wife is a minister.
That is why Karooli’s appointment appears to be more than just a recognition of his professional achievements which are not in doubt.
It could be argued that by appointing the son of a long-time opposition leader to the judiciary, Museveni could be signaling to the opposition that he is open to reconciliation.
Secondly for Museveni, Karooli’s appointment allows him to project his government as being inclusive. This counters accusations that his administration is solely an NRM affair.
The third reason could be related to the control of the judiciary for which Museveni rarely has kind words.
The judiciary is an essential institution in Uganda’s governance. By placing individuals with personal ties to historical opposition figures, Museveni might be hedging against future legal challenges to his rule, ensuring a judiciary that is at least partially sympathetic to his administration.
Last but not least is the 2026 elections. By co-opting influential figures from opposition backgrounds into government, Museveni may be attempting to weaken the opposition’s ability to unite against him ahead of the crucial election.
All the above are just hypotheses and there could be other considerations that led to Karooli’s appointment as acting High Court judge.
Yet whatever those other reasons are one thing is clear: Museveni remains a master of political survival, adept at turning past adversaries into allies in his long-standing grip on power.
