The motor-mouthed Andrew Mujuni Mwenda was once one of Uganda’s most celebrated journalists.
Mwenda made a name for himself in the early 2000s through his incisive political analysis and bold reporting. His talk show, Andrew Mwenda Live on KFM, was a staple for Ugandans interested in governance and democracy.
He often took on the powerful, exposing corruption and holding leaders accountable.
He was deeply informed and thoroughly convincing in his arguments. Only a few people such as the late Brig Noble Mayombo, Norbert Mao, Dr Kizza Besigye, and Okwir Rwabwoni could take him on in an intellectual debate.
Along the way, he became a thorn in the flesh of the NRM government and a freedom fighter in the eyes of many in the opposition.
In 2005 Mwenda was arrested and charged with sedition after he suggested on his talk show that President Museveni was culpable in the death of John Garang, the former Sudanese vice president and leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement.
His arrest only cemented his reputation as a fearless journalist who dared to challenge authority.
In 2007, he left Daily Monitor and started his publication, The Independent, where he continued his criticism of the government.
One of the boldest stories his magazine did was titled Family Rule in Uganda in 2009 where he illustrated in detail how political and economic power in Uganda was being held in the hands of President Museveni and his family circle.
“….Museveni has appointed his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, as state minister for Karamoja; his brother, Gen. Salim Saleh, formerly a minister of state for microfinance, as Senior Presidential Advisor on defence, a job at the same rank as a cabinet minister; his brother-in-law, Sam Kutesa, minister of foreign affairs; his son, Muhozi Keinerugaba, commander of the Special Forces, his daughter Natasha Karugire, Private Secretary to the president in charge of Household,” the magazine wrote.
The story was widely hailed by many who had long riled against nepotism in government. However, it angered Museveni and his henchmen. A few days after the story was published, Mwenda and some of his staff members were carted to the police.
Transformation
Whatever happened to Mwenda after that expose we can’t tell. What we can tell is that Mwenda was never the same.
By 2010, he had undergone a dramatic political transformation, shifting from an outspoken critic of the regime to one of its most vocal defenders.
Using his talk segment on Capital FM’s morning show, Mwenda instead turned his guns on the opposition, dismissing them as ineffective and incapable of governing. This was during the lead-up to the 2011 elections.
This shift did not go unnoticed, with many of his former allies in civil society and journalism questioning his motivations.
When Dr Kizza Besigye campaigned in Kanungu, Mwenda showed up and requested an appointment to interview him. Besigye, with the help of his former aide, Sam Mugumya, swatted him aside.
This increased Mwenda’s vitriol towards the opposition and Besigye in particular.
He frequently claimed that the opposition lacked a coherent plan and relied on populist rhetoric and anger rather than viable policy alternatives.
His arguments aligned closely with the regime’s narrative, and before long, he was seen engaging with state figures more frequently.
Enter Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba
As Mwenda’s alignment with the regime became more pronounced, he began openly supporting General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son and perceived successor.
The two were known to each other since High School and he positioned himself as one of Muhoozi’s key defenders in the media, often praising his leadership qualities and presenting him as Uganda’s future leader.
Mwenda’s interactions with Muhoozi were not just political but also personal. He started appearing at events organized by Muhoozi supporters, reinforcing speculation that he was now an insider in the president’s circle.
He was eventually appointed as the spokesperson of the Patriotic League Uganda, Muhoozi’s quasi-political outfit.
Many saw this as a calculated move, suggesting that Mwenda was setting himself up for a strategic role in Muhoozi’s anticipated rise to power.
His new positioning alienated many who had admired his independence. To them, Mwenda had moved from being a watchdog of power to a propagandist for the establishment.
“I would have killed Besigye”
Recently, Mwenda escalated his attacks on Dr. Besigye, a long-time Museveni rival.
During the Frontline political show on NBS TV, Mwenda claimed to have “irrevocable evidence” that Besigye wanted to assassinate President Museveni and that his arrest in Kenya last year and continued incarceration were well deserved.
His remarks sparked widespread outrage, but what was even more shocking was his assertion that if he was in Museveni’s shoes, he “would have killed Besigye.”
Some say his statement marked a new low for Mwenda, the point when all the wheels came off.
Many Ugandans, including those who once respected him as an independent thinker, reacted with shock and disappointment.
How could a man who once championed press freedom and democracy now be advocating for extrajudicial killings?
What happened to Mwenda?
Some analysts believe that Mwenda is simply adapting to Uganda’s political realities. With Museveni’s rule extending over three decades, aligning with the regime might have been a pragmatic choice for someone who wanted to remain influential.
Secondly in Uganda and other parts of Africa, maintaining independence as a journalist or commentator can be financially and professionally challenging. If you run a media organization like Mwenda, you cannot get big advertisement deals from the government and other private players aligned with the regime. Therefore, to survive, you must cheer those in power.
Yet it is also plausible that Mwenda may have genuinely changed his perspective on governance and opposition politics. His critique of the opposition as fragmented and lacking strategy is not entirely unfounded.
Uganda’s opposition has occasionally struggled with internal divisions and has failed to present a united front against Museveni.
If Mwenda genuinely believes that Museveni (or his son Muhoozi) is the best option for Uganda’s future, his shift may be more about ideological evolution than opportunism.
Regardless of the reasons behind his transformation, Mwenda’s legacy is now deeply polarized. To some, he remains a brilliant thinker who simply adjusted his views with time. To others, he is a cautionary tale of how even the fiercest critics can be co-opted by the very system they once opposed.
