Allan Ssewanyana, the MP for Makindye West, came to prominence in 2013 when he jumped on minister Frank Tumwebaze’s table to try and frustrate a censure motion that had been brought against Erias Lukwago.
Although he did not succeed, this act made Ssewanyana a darling to many people in Makindye, especially Lukwago’s supporters.
In 2016, with Lukwago’s active backing, Ssewanyana defeated 12 opponents to replace Hussein Kyanjo as Makindye West MP.
Therefore, Ssewanyana’s political rise was significantly bolstered by his association with Lukwago.
However, by 2020, as Ssewanyana joined NUP and aligned with new power centers, his public association with Lukwago diminished.
His transition from DP to NUP in 2020, alongside figures like Mathias Mpuuga, was driven by the rising popularity of Bobi Wine’s People Power movement. While this move aligned with a broader opposition strategy, it also positioned Ssewanyana to benefit from NUP’s electoral momentum.
His subsequent oscillation between Mpuuga and Kyagulanyi factions within NUP further underscored his adaptability to shifting power dynamics.
For instance, Ssewanyana refused to sign a petition against Mpuuga over the Shs 500 million service award saga. This put him at odds with many leaders in NUP.
That’s why it came as a shock to many when Ssewanyana swung the pendulum 360 degrees and accused Mpuuga of orchestrating his and Muhammad Ssegirinya’s 2021 arrests.
The accusation marked a dramatic shift, as Ssewanyana had previously aligned with Mpuuga, who reportedly played a significant role in securing their release through negotiations with state officials.
Some have said Ssewanyana’s accusation was a calculated move to secure NUP’s endorsement for the 2026 elections. They say the MP feared the prospect of losing the NUP ticket and sought to align himself with Kyagulanyi’s faction amid internal party tensions. Others suggested he was pressured to implicate Mpuuga to prove loyalty to Kyagulanyi.
Whatever the case, these sentiments reflect a perception that Ssewanyana’s actions were driven by self-preservation rather than principle.
This pattern extends to his earlier career. Ssewanyana aligned with former Mayor Nasser Sebaggala before the 2011 elections. After he was elected councillor, he pivoted to Lukwago to further his ambitions.
Ssewanyana’s apparent lack of a political spine or his inability to stand by his word and allies—could undermine his political care
This behavior risks alienating constituents who value integrity.
Yet Ssewanyana’s actions point to a broader erosion of political trust in Uganda. The public’s faith in opposition leaders is already strained by state repression and internal party fractures.
Some could argue that Ssewanyana operates in a high-stakes political environment where survival often requires strategic maneuvering and telling bare faced lies.
Uganda’s political landscape, dominated by President Museveni, subjects opposition figures to arrests, surveillance, and co-optation.
Additionally, internal NUP dynamics, including tensions between Kyagulanyi and Mpuuga, may have forced Ssewanyana to choose sides. His accusation against Mpuuga could stem from genuine belief or party pressure rather than personal betrayal.
However, the absence of evidence supporting his claim and his reported fear of losing the NUP ticket weaken this defense.
Yet for some of us who have followed Ssewanyana’s political career, it has been marked by a troubling pattern of abandoning allies for personal gain. He lacks a political spine.
