Why Museveni won’t abandon the ailing Gen Moses Ali…for now

It is not clear whether Gen Moses Ali knew or comprehended what was taking place.

Seated in the front seat of his ministerial SUV, Ali, 86, was seen rocking his head back and forth, as if he was listening to a lingala tune. A few feet away from him, Dr Tanga Odoi, the chairperson of the NRM electoral commission, was declaring him duly nominated for the East Moyo seat in 2026.

The scene, captured by photo and video journalists, sparked a wave of debate on X. Did Gen Ali know what was taking place?

His driver, too, looked disgusted.

From the video, you can see that he even engaged the gear before Odoi could finish his speech, ready to drive Ali off. To where?

Since Gen Moses Ali’s deteriorating health became public knowledge more than three years ago, the question for many Ugandans has been: Why does President Museveni, continue to back this octogenarian politician?

The answer, some say, could lie in a decades-long alliance forged in rebellion, cemented by a pivotal 1986 peace agreement, and sustained by Ali’s unmatched influence in the volatile West Nile region.

Moses Ali’s political journey began in the turbulent 1970s under Idi Amin’s brutal regime. By the mid-1970s, he was Amin’s Minister of Finance, and one of the president’s lcose confidantes.

When Amin’s government collapsed in 1979 during the Uganda-Tanzania War, Ali fled to southern Sudan, where he reinvented himself as a rebel leader. In the early 1980s, he founded the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF), a formidable guerrilla outfit that waged war against Milton Obote’s second government.

Operating from bases in Sudan, Ali’s forces conducted hit-and-run attacks, earning him a reputation as a warlord who ruled a fiefdom in exile.

By 1985, the political landscape shifted dramatically. Obote was overthrown, and Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA) gained momentum. Ali, a pragmatist, saw an opportunity. In 1986, as Museveni’s forces closed in on Kampala, Ali negotiated a landmark peace agreement with the NRA.

Signed on November 16, 1986, at Arua airfield, the deal integrated Ali’s UNRF fighters into the NRA, which later became the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF). Ali was appointed a Major General, and his forces were absorbed into the national army, securing his loyalty and that of his West Nile constituents.

This agreement was a masterstroke for Museveni, who needed to pacify the West Nile region—a hotbed of Amin loyalists and rebel activity—to consolidate his nascent government. Ali’s influence ensured that the region, historically marginalized and suspicious of southern-dominated regimes, aligned with the NRM.

As Ali later boasted, his collaboration with Museveni, which facilitated by Libyan leader Col Muammar Gaddafi, laid the foundation for his enduring role in the NRM government.

The peace deal was more than a military merger; it was a political pact that guaranteed Ali a prominent place in Museveni’s administration.

From 1986 onward, Ali held various cabinet positions, including Minister of Culture, Youth, and Sports. However, his tenure was not without turbulence.

In 1990, he was arrested on charges of treason and terrorism, accused of fomenting insurgency in West Nile through the West Nile Bank Front (WNBF) and UNRF II. The charges, which Ali denied, threatened to derail his career.

His release in 1992, reportedly after Gaddafi’s intervention, underscored his international connections and Museveni’s reluctance to alienate a key ally.

Since 1996, Ali has been a near-constant presence in Parliament, representing East Moyo County since 2011.

His rise to First Deputy Prime Minister (2016–2021) and later Second Deputy Prime Minister highlighted his indispensability.

West Nile’s only four-star general

In West Nile, Ali is a towering figure, the region’s only four-star general and a direct conduit to Museveni.

His role in negotiating the 2002 peace deal with UNRF II, led by Ali Bamuze, further solidified his legacy as a peacemaker, ensuring that West Nile’s insurgencies were quelled through dialogue rather than prolonged conflict.

Gen Moses Ali’s deep ties to the Kakwa and Lugbara communities, coupled with his military credentials, make him a stabilizing force in the West Nile region and beyond

Yet, Ali’s poor health has cast a shadow over his political longevity. Over the past five years, the general has been in and out of hospitals, his frail voice barely carrying during public appearances.

At a recent event in Kiraba Parish, where he handed out 130 land titles, Ali quipped, “Some people pronounced me dead several times. It was only Jesus Christ who died and rose again,” a sarcastic jab at his critics.

His inability to leave his car yesterday sparked outrage among some Ugandans.

“How can a country with the youngest population in the world continue with such leadership?” posted @UGCitizen256 on X.

Others, like Jaffar Alekua, an elder in Arua City, criticized Ali’s failure to resolve conflicts over Zoka Forest and Apaa land, suggesting his influence has waned.

Despite these calls for retirement, Museveni’s faith in Ali, for now remains unshaken. Some argue that the president’s loyalty stems from strategic necessity.

West Nile, bordering South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, remains a geopolitically sensitive region prone to rebel activity and ethnic tensions. Ali’s deep ties to the Kakwa and Lugbara communities, coupled with his military credentials, make him a stabilizing force.

Museveni’s remarks at the 2025 Peace Day celebrations in Yumbe underscored this: “It is that policy of opposing wrong and supporting right that Gen. Moses Ali was talking about in his speech.”

By retaining Ali, Museveni signals to West Nile that their interests are represented at the highest levels, a crucial gesture as the 2026 elections approach.

Moreover, Ali’s presence in the cabinet serves as a symbol of Museveni’s commitment to inclusivity. The 1986 peace agreement, which Ali helped broker, is a cornerstone of the NRM’s narrative of reconciliation. Losing Ali, whether to retirement or death, risks unraveling this delicate balance.

Yet, his health raises questions about his capacity to deliver. For Museveni, however, Ali’s symbolic value outweighs these health concerns. Museveni needs Moses Ali not just for what he can do, but for what he represents: a bridge to West Nile, a relic of peace, and a reminder of a revolution that still bears fruit.

As Uganda marches toward 2026, the ailing general remains, for better or worse, a linchpin in Museveni’s enduring reign.

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